Bloody Thursday formed a tragic end to the ruse that went on too long. After Bloody Thursday, it was no longer an issue that can be settled by constitutional amendments or by arguments over the expansion of the powers of the parliament or the redress of human rights violations.

Human rights violations [committed in the country] are not limited to arbitrary withdrawal of nationality. Since he took power on March 6, 1999, Bahrain has witnessed human rights abuses that have not been seen for decades.

The last two decades have been a steep slope in the history of public health in Bahrain since the establishment of health services in the country. Health services have deteriorated due to a number of issues.

On July 26, 2013, a Royal Decree was issued extending the powers of the Supreme Defense Council and granting it the authority to adopt strategies and programs for the development of national security. Upon reviewing the laws governing the performance of this Council, it will be clear that establishing the security doctrine and drawing the security policy is limited to members of this council, which consists of first and second-rank Al Khalifa figures and probably some individuals from families loyal to the ruling family exclusively.

He is the king of lies. He lied his way to the throne to attain the title of a king, when he polled the citizens about changing the state into a monarchy and promised them better days to come. However, people discovered that they were the worst days ever.

The first direct encounter I had with him was before the inauguration, in 1995/1996, in the presence of the late Minister of Industry Yousuf Al-Shirawi. Hamad bin Isa was the Crown Prince at the time.

The steps taken by Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa after assuming power in March 1999 do not reflect even a fragment of willingness to work towards political reform, as the man hasn’t ever stood behind a reformist project, or even had a different vision to move the country forward into a space other than that in which it has remained in under the reigns of his father or grandfathers.

After about a year of this bitter image, and particularly on November 22, 2000, the outlines of the “National Action Charter” started to appear as a political project aimed at ending the endeavors of the 1990s constitutional uprising (1994-2001).

I don’t know what to write. I address you on the twentieth anniversary of your coronation and I am totally surprised at your speech on democracy, freedom, justice, co-existence and similar terms and concepts.

When Hamad bin Isa Al Khalifa became the country’s Emir on March 6, 1999, I was lingering behind bars in Jaw prison at that time. I had spent 5 years in jail during my first years of youth. Today, after 20 years, I have spent about 5 other years of the life term issued against me but I am in my 40s now.

I wasn’t analyzing the data this way back then. I was eager to avoid what I considered the “sin of participation”. I prepared a list of the most important points that justify boycotting based on the articles of the 2002 Constitution and placed it at the entrance of Imam Al-Sadiq Mosque.

Why should the period between March 6, 1999 and March 6, 2019 be described as two decades of darkness?

“I don’t believe the King was ever a committed reformer or an enlightened leader. The only tangible result from his “reform” program, following the adoption of the National Charter in 2001-2002 was to change his title from Emir to King.” This is what Dr. Emile Nakhleh sees— a professor at University of New Mexico and retired senior intelligence service officer who has written a book on political development in Bahrain.